Title : Duplicate Name Exists On The Network
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Duplicate Name Exists On The Network
10 horrifying facts about the america mafia 10. more than the mafia in america, “organized crime†has becomealmost synonymous with “the mafia†thanks to a combination of pop culture, a few standoutcriminal celebrities, and ethnic stereotyping.
Duplicate Name Exists On The Network, although the sicilian-derived mafia may comprisethe best known organized crime groups in the united states, they are far from the onlyname in the game. during the glory years of mafia activity,a hybrid italian-jewish coalition known as murder, inc., operated a lucrative contractkilling operation out of a 24-cafe in brooklyn.
this group essentially did for hitmen whathenry ford did for manufacturing. their plucky new york kill squad was responsiblefor an untold number of murders as far flung as los angeles, detroit, and florida, andfunctioned as an unaffiliated enforcement arm for many of the largest organized crimegroups of the time. murder, inc. was essentially the mcwhopperof its time: a strategic union between two of the biggest and most lethal factions oforganized crime leveraging the best of both groups to maximize reach and impact. murder, inc., itself grew out of the independentand wildly successful assortment of jewish-american organized crime groups, alternatively known(but never to their faces) as the israeli
mafia or even kosher nostra. by the end of the 19th century, these groupscollectively ran more than 90 percent of all prostitution in the u.s. the jewish gangster division was also notablein part for organizing at one time behind a female leader, one fredericka ‘marm’mandelbaum. she was instrumental in turning new york cityinto the heart of north american organized crime before escaping to canada and livingout her remaining years in wealth, comfort, and pre-extradition foreign sovereignty. that’s right–she laid the foundationsfor an entire century of organized crime,
and got away with everything. so much for cautionary tales. even before the jewish-american “mafiaâ€was running the show, though, irish-american gangs were the biggest force in organizedcrime in the young country. these loosely organized street gangs (or gangsof new york, if you are a movie fan) fought for neighborhood protection and gambling racketsfor decades before going head-to-head with the italian-american mafia in a fight fordominance during prohibition. in case you weren’t seeing the trend, almostall organized crime tends to emerge organically from immigration trends.
every time the u.s. sees a pronounced spikein immigration from any given region, country, or ethnicity, nativist backlash helps createthe conditions for blackmarket bootstrapping that can (and does) very easily escalate intoa criminal network. that isn’t to say that immigrants are allcriminals, or that without immigration there would be no organized crime. rather, a combination of disenfranchisementalong with anti-immigrant behaviors means immigrants face a lot of challenges when theyarrive. from language and cultural barriers, to beingforced to concentrate in poorer neighborhoods, to lack of political representation, as wellas outright ostracism, nativism entrenches
prejudicial hiring, cementing a lack of opportunity,limited access to education, and even basic social structures beyond their own immigrantcommunities. cut off from the rest of the world, immigrantcommunities thus turn inward to solve their basic problems and forge ties to improve theirsituation. the more they have in common–ie, the moreimmigrants from a single country or region come to america at the same time–the strongertheir upstart community. so, a potato famine in ireland drives a waveof irish immigrants, who earn the enmity of the locals upon arrival, cluster in poor areas,and soon irish gangs are laying the groundwork for a criminal empire.
9. organized crime provides law enforcement it sounds like an oxymoron: extra-legal lawenforcement? in fact, organized crime almost always hasits start as a protection racket. while much of the crime in the world is whatwe call ‘crimes of opportunity,’ the most lucrative criminal groups have their originsin the opposite situation: a lack of opportunity. while we delight in assigning overt ethnicstereotypes to organized crime–even futurama’s robot mafia was transparently an italian-americanpastiche–the foundations of organized crime are all too universal and human.
psychologist paul bloom, who explored theorigins of morality by studying babies, found that even young children, left to their owndevices, will use violence and intimidation in an attempt to maintain fairness and socialorder. when adults are in the room, they look tothe adults for these safety measures and moral enforcement. when adults are gone, the babies create theirown enforcement system based on strength and ostentatious confrontation. basically, inside each of us is a little batman,just waiting for society’s justice to fail us so we can create our own.
again, it comes down in part to immigrationand disenfranchisement. assimilation takes time, but survival cannotwait. when the establishment of police, law, andorder is out of reach, people tend to make due through alternative means. plus, different gangs competing for dominancecan be every bit as hazardous to the community as corrupt bureaucrats and dirty cops, soit pays to invest in at least one criminal gang. as gangs and protection rackets grow, earnbuy-in from more people, and have more economic and social clout, they become self-sustaining,as well as capable of diversification–say,
into murder for hire, or trafficking contraband. it doesn’t matter if the community managesto assimilate, or the protection they once offered becomes predatory; once gang membershipearns legitimacy and becomes a vehicle to opportunity, it is hard to convince its rankand file to quit and find alternative work. so organized crime adapts, survives, and grows. this, more or less, is the genesis of allorganized crime: what starts as a way to ensure basic needs are met and economic opportunityexists, grows into its own parallel economy and almost corporate organization. 8.
drug gangs are basically fast food franchises in the world of legitimate business, brandingis important: it helps create repeat customers, allows you to diversify on the strength ofprior success, and supports growth efforts. in the world of organized crime, the parallellaw enforcement systems rely more on brute strength and fear, than on the nuances oftrademarks, copyrights, and patents. however, there is one model that has managedto take both markets by storm: the franchise. franchising is essentially a model for growththrough duplication: the same products, under the same name, made in the same way by thesame supplier, sold according to a standardized pricing structure, blending local entrepreneurshipwith centralized authority.
your neighborhood mcdonald’s, for example,is locally owned and operated, but trains all staff according to corporate standards,gets all product from a central corporate supplier, and has generally the same menueverywhere–with prices, specials, and offerings subject to broad regional variation. drug gangs have copied this model with rousingsuccess, because like fast food, illegal drugs are essentially a consumer good, subject tothe ordinary laws of supply and demand. drug cartels have organized highly efficientsystem to connect production (growers and labs, mostly), with distributors (ie, mulesand traffickers), with retailers–that is, dealers.
obviously, every stage in this system is vulnerablewhen the goods in question are illegal, so some amount of standardization is necessaryto ensure the folks involved are trustworthy, reliable, and competent. given the incredible volume and value of thedrug market, the participants at every level have plenty of incentive to streamline supplychains and coordinate as much as possible, maximizing growth and revenue pathways whilemitigating direct competition as much as possible. dealers are recruited and assigned territoryin which they may sell drugs under the authority of local and regional “managers,†withhigher status in the drug gang, who coordinate the acquisition and distribution of contrabandamong retailers.
dealer turf is negotiated according to salesmanshipand demand, while competing franchises are dealt with either through peaceful coordination,or well-regulated violence. hitmen and enforcers, after all, are generallyat least contracted by gang leadership to avoid escalation and especially to preventlaw enforcement from intervening. just as an employee in a fast food franchisehas the opportunity to ascend the ranks to become a manager and owner, so too does thedrug gang hierarchy have an order of succession and advancement. and the higher up you go, the more profityou get to keep, and the more subordinates you control.
this, in part, explains why gang membershipis such an attractive opportunity: working in a community business with career potential,merit-based incentives and bonuses, leadership trajectories, and the promise of financialfreedom through hard work and entrepreneurial spirit. plus, just like opening a drive-thru burgerjoint, it is much safer, predictable, and reliable to franchise out through an establishedbrand (or gang/cartel) than to try to go it alone. 7. prohibition corporatized criminal gangs
organized crime wasn’t always quite thiswell organized. the whole franchise arrangement is a relativelymodern phenomenon compared to the history of gangs and criminal enterprise in america. the real turning point in transform the country’sblack market hustlers and crime families with all their associated gangs and enterprises(mostly prostitution and gambling) into major international networks was the prohibitionof alcohol beginning in 1919. prohibition, which had started as a localinitiative and eventually engulfed the entire country, was a game-changer. it essentially cornered the market on alcoholon behalf of organized crime by relegating
it to the extralegal sector, cutting off allthe formerly legal creators, suppliers, and retailers already in the business. making the pivot from legal business to blackmarket trade wasn’t easy for those who had led the industry before, seeing as how a prettyobvious place to start searching for a speakeasy or distillery would be former bars and distilleries. organized crime groups, with their secretmembership network, money laundering systems, and knowledge of how to move contraband around,launched into this vacuum and quickly expanded to meet demand. part of the reason organized crime in generalis so closely associated with the 1920-30s
is that this was really the golden age ofamerican crime. prohibition made the entire alcohol supplychain more lucrative than ever, which made organized crime, in turn, both more profitableand more competitive than ever. the price of beer went up more than 700 percent,while hard liquor prices doubled, tripled, and quadrupled, depending on the spirit. despite the surge in prices and the supposedban on booze, alcohol consumption only dipped around 20 percent. the primary effect of prohibition was reallyin cementing organized crime in america. crime families–particularly italian-american,though plenty of other groups played their
part–became household names with purchasingpower on par with major corporations; international supply chains were bolstered by the need tomove large quantities of foreign booze into the country; protection rackets exploded asthe violence of competition rose alongside the clout of major criminal organizations. homicide rates shot up by nearly 80 percent,while theft, burglary, and other violent crimes jumped anywhere from 5-20 percent. at the same time, spending on law enforcementat every level ballooned to keep pace with crime, putting more and more government officialsin a position to make a little extra on the side through various levels of feigned ignoranceor active participation in the criminal rackets.
the bigger the system got, the more specializationand opportunity became available both to those close to the major crime families, as wellas those enterprising individuals who simply wanted a taste of the gravy. and like every great business, it all becametoo big to fail. when prohibition was finally repealed by the21st amendment in 1933, all this criminal infrastructure, with tangential operations,supply lines, global connections, and of course, financial backing, had to go somewhere. human trafficking, prostitution, drug trades,gambling, and all manner of rackets became swollen by the scale of organized crime inthe wake of prohibition.
of course, those weren’t the only destinationsfor all this capital… 6. organized crime has lots of legitimate businesses(and investments) american organized crime came onto the post-prohibitionscene in the middle of the 20th century with a lot of money to spend. like any good company that has successfullyexploited its niche, this meant it was time to diversify. besides sidelining into hard drugs, humantrafficking, murder for hire, and other mainstays of the underworld, the various factions andfamilies saw some lucrative opportunities
in above-board investments as well. a particularly prescient bootlegging gangknown as the broadway mob used its connections and money during the prohibition era to acquireseveral speakeasies and clubs, as well as apartments and theaters. besides giving them control of both sidesof the equation where alcohol was concerned, it left a steady revenue stream in the formof rent payments and real estate appreciation even after prohibition was repealed. the brains behind this investment-heavy approachto managing mob money was arnold rothstein, who used his influence and capital for everythingfrom financing broadway plays to fixing the
1919 world series, and even–according torumor–arranging to have a space for 0 added to roulette wheels, giving the house a nudgeup in the odds. perhaps less surprisingly, mob money had morethan a nominal role in everything from the site-selection and development of las vegas,to the development of nevada politics and lawmaking surrounding the legality of gamblingand prostitution. the father of president john f. kennedy wasunambiguously associated with the chicago bootlegging scene during prohibition, andthere has been plenty of speculation that along with the family’s wealth, some amountof its subsequent political clout originated in organized crime.
jfk, famed politician though he was, alsohappened to be chummy with legendary crooner frank sinatra, even recording a special renditionof “high hopes†together in support of the 1960 presidential election. their introduction may or may not have beenarranged by the mob). sinatra himself was also purportedly indebtedto the mafia for getting his start in the music (and then movie) business, a rumor immortalizedby the book-turned-movie the godfather and character johnny fontane. sinatra famously delivered a severe dressing-downto godfather author mario puzo over the character, though without explicitly denying the validityof the implications.
if sinatra did get his start through mob connections,he is still just one of the many entertainment figures who got work thanks to music corporationof america, or mca, a talent agency that operated like a cartel and was largely managed by organizedcrime figures. mca and similar groups essentially used thethreat of retribution and the promise of financing to pressure speakeasies, clubs, and eventuallyrecording studios, and film industry executives and producers, into using their preferredcadre of actors, singers, and even trade professionals. at its peak, mca was known unofficially as“the octopus†for the way it seemed to have its tentacles in everything–and a coalitionof jewish, italian, and other various criminal groups pulling all the strings.
even ronald reagan, whose acting career precededhis political tenure, happened to be a client of mca manager lew wasserman, a star-makingmogul with deep ties to the mafia, including marriage to the daughter of a known mob lawyer. mca helped bring reagan onto the silver screen,and when he became president of the screen actors guild, he used his influence in turnto give mca a leg-up on early television show production, further entrenching mca as thepathway to success in the entertainment industry. when mca was eventually broken up followinga lengthy federal investigation, reagan himself would later describe the treatment of theorganization as a foundational experience in his political awakening, particularly hisconservative, anti-government ideology.
5. organized crime is a pop culture phenomenon nothing says “gangster!†quite like afelt fedora. or if you prefer your murder for hire witha wee bit ‘o irish, perhaps you’d favor the razor-rimmed flat caps of peaky blinders. but the legacy of organized crime in americagoes well beyond metropolitan landmarks and sartorial trends. there is nearly a century of cultural iconographythat owes its fame, at least in part, to the real og’s of history.
american hip-hop is rife with references tothe mob; in a meta-maze worthy of lewis carroll, rappers have styled themselves after the charactersmade famous on film and other media, who are by various turns fictional inventions, semi-fictionalcomposites, and earnest reflections of real-life gangsters from various decades and crime groupsthroughout american criminal history. it is almost impossible to separate wherelife imitated art, or the art reflects real life, because the imagery as become so ubiquitousacross the board. the proliferation of movies about variouselements of mob culture and criminal life is such that it is practically its own sub-genreof film: the mob movie. but today’s netflix binge-watchers and devoteesof the golden age of television also have
organized crime stories to thank for kickingoff the revolution in serialized storytelling. analysts and critics alike see “the sopranoseffect†as a revolutionary business model on par with the assembly line or the drive-thru,as far as television and storytelling are concerned. hbo’s the sopranos arguably initiated atrend in tv that, along with streaming services, transformed the small screen into the premierdestination for big storytelling ambitions, with everything from mad men, the wire andbreaking bad to game of thrones and westworld following in its wake. 4.
they use prison to train and recruit members prison gangs have become a microcosm of organizedcrime itself. initially, gangs formed in prison for thesame reason they formed on the streets: to provide protection, community, and a hierarchyto manage scarce resources. but just as organized crime grew and evolvedin the wake of prohibition and on the shoulders of the war on drugs, so have prison gangsevolved into a much more sophisticated and influential enterprise. today, prison gangs aren’t just a protectionracket for the inmates, but for the guards, staff, and very institutions in which theyoperate.
prison overcrowding has become so extremethat the gangs are often more responsible for maintaining order than anyone on the outside. whether inmates enter the system already affiliatedwith a gang, or are recruited following their incarceration, membership is virtually mandatoryas a matter of survival. prison has become the linkedin of organizedcrime. but not everyone headed for prison is focusedonly on survival. doing time in prison has become a culturalrite of passage within many gang cultures–a mark of commitment, authenticity, and cementingmembership identities. of course, this isn’t just a nominal periodor empty ritual; prisons have become active
recruitment centers and training grounds forthe organized crime community. with mirror organizations outside the penalsystem, prison gangs have every bit as much reach, capital control, and relevance to theblack market as any other organized criminal group. while rehabilitative approaches to incarcerationemphasize the need to provide vocational training, these programs routinely neglect to provideany social support network inmates can utilize upon release to fully capitalize on theirskills training. prison gangs, on the other hand, are builton social networking and relationships, so when they prepare inmates for the skilledtrades of criminal operations, they end up
doing a better job preparing them to get andstay productive upon release. essentially, the public financing used tobuild and operate prisons has become a subsidy not just for crime itself, but for the mostwell-regulated and prolific practitioners of crime. 3. organized crime supports terrorism cumulatively, international organized crimeactivities make up more than 1.5 percent of global gdp, involving nearly a trillion dollarsof revenue. taking advantage of this kind of revenue necessitatesa lot of money laundering.
for this reason alone, it is easy to see howinternational terrorism would have some overlapping interests with organized crime. pinning down the exact amount of money thatchanges hands between organized crime and terrorist groups is hard, mostly because thevery nature of their relationship is based on keeping money hidden from view. it isn’t that the mafia supports terroristideologies, so much as organized crime will, from time to time, intersect with the activitiesof various terror groups as a matter of routine business. while global terrorism pays for itself throughthe black market trade of drugs, slaves, and
weapons, organized crime provides a good dealof infrastructure to access markets and facilitate the movement of such contraband. as far as the intelligence community is concerned,this amounts to some combination of tolerance and collaboration. that is, most of the time they simply tolerateone another’s existence given the natural overlap of their operations, but when necessitydictates, they will occasionally deal directly with one another or even cooperate to achievesome mutual goal (usually, avoiding being shut down by the government or losing moneyand goods). 2.
organized crime also, paradoxically, fightsterrorism organized crime has a similar attitude towardterrorism as the average suburban hoa has toward maximum security prisons or wastewatertreatment plants: nimby, or not in my back yard. they tolerate the idea to the extent thatit isn’t entirely avoidable, but don’t want it somewhere it can’t be ignored. basically, although terrorism provides someamount of supply and demand for organized crime activities, it isn’t exactly the lifebloodof the black market. so while they coexist and sometimes even collaborate,their interests are ultimately not particularly
compatible. violent revolutions and ideological extremistsaren’t any better for the health of underground economies than those above ground. more to the point, terrorist attacks thatthreaten communities and the grassroots membership of organized crime groups create powerfulenemies unbeholden to the rules of war or international human rights. this seems to be the impulse behind new yorkmob boss giovani gambino’s open threat to isis, made during an nbc news interview. the way he tells it, the sicilian mafia haskept isis and other terrorist cells from gaining
ground in italy, and despite the best effortsof the fbi or department of homeland security, it is really the new york mob that is keepingthe state (and to a lesser extent, the country) safe from terrorist attacks. experts debate the true extent to which organizedcrime both empowers and intimidates various terror groups. one compelling alternative theory posits thatthe very nature of their shared economic interests keeps areas rife with organized crime safefrom terrorist threats: disrupting such communities would amount to self-destruction on the partof the terror groups. it is like a fortification: it serves to keepenemies out as well as to keep prisoners in.
which function it is serving depends on yourperspective. whether it is the financial muscle or the…regularmuscle the defines the relationship, organized crime and terrorism are the odd couple ofthe extralegal underworld. 1. they live among us the old scared-straight cliche is to ask,rhetorically, “you ever see any retired gang-bangers?†turns out the answer may very well be, “yes.†death and prison aren’t exactly the onlycompany-sponsored 401(k) of the career criminal.
getting out of the underworld can actuallycome with the full financing and benefits sponsorship of the federal government by meansof the witness protection program. for more details, just consider the storyof frank salemme, a major new england mob boss throughout the 1990s, who spent nearlya decade in a quiet atlanta neighborhood before a previously unsolved murder came back toimplicate him. unfortunately for “cadillac frank,†thefeds might revoke your pension when they find out you previously interfered with an investigationby killing a witness, but if not for that little slip-up, he’d still be living outhis golden years in partnership with the government. of course, not everyone is comfortable cooperatingwith their former nemesis just to finance
retirement. in these cases, it is more attractive to escapethe hustle and bustle of city (and criminal) life by heading out west and living off theland. at least, that is what enrico ponzo did. after an attempted hit on a rival boss (incidentally,against frank salemme), ponzo packed up shop and moved to marsing, idaho, where nothingexciting ever happens. literally: idaho has been ranked as the mostboring state in the country, and mr. ponzo capitalized on this for 11 years under theassumed identity of jay shaw: cattle rancher and minor league hockey fan…
that is, until his girlfriend took their kidsand left him. a few weeks later, federal investigators figuredout why a cowpoke in the middle of idaho spoke with a thick new york accent; then he wasarrested and convicted of a laundry list of crimes. the cowboy life isn’t a natural fit foreveryone, however. like any of us law-abiding squares, some gangstersdream of retiring to a quaint italian village–perhaps somewhere in the mountains–where rest andrelaxation are part of the daily routine. such was the case of ernesto fazzalari, aninternational crime lord with connections from mexico to new york, who spent 20 yearsevading arrest after being convicted–in
absentia–of enough crimes to become italy’ssecond most wanted man. commandos found fazzalari snuggling up withhis girlfriend in a cottage in the calabrian mountains of italy, arresting them both anddisrupting one of the largest trans-continental crime networks ever formed in the process. not every story has this same ending though. for robert luisi, jr., life in the witnessprotection program was going just fine until he decided to out himself as a reformed mobster. see, in addition to a new name–alonso esposito–anda change of scenery from boston to memphis, luisi found a whole new hobby to fill hisretirement: spreading the good word.
on the way to prison following a convictionfor drug trafficking, luisi experienced a divine vision, and thereafter devoted himselfto religious study. once he earned the support of the federalwitness protection program, he relocated to tennessee and became a pastor, preaching athis community church, as well as broadcasting sermons on a local talk radio station, self-publishinga book about his theological viewpoints, and maintaining his own faith-based website. he explained that he wasn’t worried aboutretribution or his past coming back to haunt him, because he never ratted on anyone–except,as it would happen, for enrico ponzo, the would-be idahoan cattle rancher.
the lesson here is that you might think oforganized crime as a bespoke suit-wearing, cocaine mountain-sniffing, tough-talking clubmembership, who only exist in certain neighborhoods or gated communities, and who you can easilyavoid by keeping your nose clean and minding your own above board business. but in fact, organized crime may be concentratedamong neighborhoods and communities–these are community-centric groups, after all–buttheir footprint is just about as distributed as 7-eleven or walmart. whether you are living in some flyover farmingtown, a cookie-cutter suburb, or even vacationing in a quaint european countryside village,you have an even chance of bumping into one
of the world’s most wanted criminals.
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